ii  ii  inn  r ii  ii  ii 
A    000664910    7 


REPO-RT 


OF    THE 


NATIONAL  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


OF 


Republicans  and  Independents. 


Presidential  Campaign  of  188^.. 


NEW  YORK: 

PRINTED     FOR     THE     COMMITTEE 
1885. 


REPORT 


OF    THE 


NATIONAL  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE 


OF 


Republicans  and  Independents. 


Presidential  Campaign  of  188  J^. 


NEW  YORK: 
PRINTED     FOR     THE     COMMITTEE. 

1885. 


NEW  YORK  : 

BURR    PRINTING    HOUSE, 
18  JACOB  STREET. 


REPORT 


OF 


NATIONAL  EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE  OF  REPUBLICANS 
AND  INDEPENDENTS. 


To  the  National  Committee  of  Republicans  and  Independents. 

THE  nomination  of  Blaine  and  Logan  was  seen  by  many  Repub- 
licans to  be  the  final  attempt  of  the  opponents  of  reform  and  of  political 
progress  to  resist  a  growing  public  demand  for  better  government, 
which  had  for  some  years  made  itself  felt  alike  in  municipal,  State, 
and  national  administration.  This  demand  had,  from  time  to  time, 
found  voice  in  appeals  for  "  reform  within  the  party."  In  Massachu- 
setts an  increasing  number  of  Republicans,  associated  some  years 
ago  in  the  Commonwealth  and  afterward  in  the  Bristow  Clubs,  later 
on,  from  1877  to  1880,  in  the  Massachusetts  Young  Republican  Clubs, 
which  in  1878,  1879,  and  1880  held  important  State  Conferences,  and 
more  recently  within,  the  Massachusetts  Reform  Club,  had  made  evi- 
dent the  New  England  feeling.  In  New  York  the  Independent  Repub- 
lican movement  of  1879,  known  as  the  "  scratching"  campaign,  proved, 
despite  the  use  of  a  novel  and  derided  method,  the  existence  of  19,686 
Republican  voters  in  protest  against  machine  methods ;  and  the 
Brooklyn  Young  Republican  Club,  organized  in  1880  after  the  Garfield 
campaign,  gave  a  strong  impetus  to  Republican  reform  and  took  im- 
portant part,  in  co-operation  with  the  Buffalo  organization  and  a  great 
body  of  Republican  voters,  in  the  revolt  which,  in  1882,  defeated  Folger 
and  elected  Cleveland  by  192,854  plurality.  In  Pennsylvania  many 
Republicans  had  done  good  work  for  municipal  reform  and  in  the  revolt 
against  the  Cameron  machine  which  elected  an  independent  Reform 
Democrat  governor  in  1882.  During  the  same  period  the  organization 


of  the  Civil  Service  Reform  Association  in  1880,  of  the  Society  for  Po- 
litical Education  in  the  same  year,  and  of  local  associations  like  the 
Young  Men's  Political  Club  of  Providence,  R.  I.,  which  made  itself  a 
local  branch  of  both  of  these  bodies,  showed  that  beyond  party  limits 
there  was  a  deep  and  wide  feeling  of  the  necessity  for  a  political  ref- 
ormation. It  was  a  necessary  reaction  from  the  demoralization  which 
almost  inevitably  follows  a  great  war,  and  many  took  part  in  these 
later  years  who  were  boys  during  the  war  period,  but  who  had  im- 
bibed the  spirit  of  patriotism  of  those  days,  and  who  felt  that  they 
ought  to  fight  against  the  slavery  of  party  tyranny  as  those  before 
them  had  fought  against  a  more  brutal  but  not  more  insidious 
slavery.  It  is  not  impossible  that  the  future  student  of  history  may 
find  in  this  series  of  political  movements  the  parallel  of  the  revival 
of  national  literature  which  in  earlier  periods  followed  great  wars. 

The  Independent  Republicans  of  Massachusetts,  New  York,  and 
Pennsylvania,  with  a  few  from  other  States,  had  been  represented  in 
a  conference  held  at  Chicago  during  the  session  of  the  Republican 
Convention  of  1880,  under  the  chairmanship  of  Wayne  MacVeagh  ; 
had  succeeded  in  obtaining  the  introduction,  through  the  Massa- 
chusetts delegation,  of  a  Civil  Service  Reform  plank,  which,  de- 
spite the  opposition  of  the  "  machine"  element,  was  carried  by  the 
help  of  the  extraordinary  outburst  of  Mr.  Flanagan  and  the  final 
support  of  General  Garfield  ;  and  had  helped  in  obtaining  the 
nomination  of  a  candidate  who  could  and  did  command  the  general 
support  of  Republicans.  At  that  time  it  was  voted  to  continue  an 
Independent  Republican  national  organization  under  the  presidency 
of  Mr.  MacVeagh  ;  but  his  selection  fora  Cabinet  position,  the  sudden 
end  of  General  Garfield's  administration,  and  the  great  changes  that 
followed,  prevented  any  further  effort  on  the  part  of  that  organiza- 
tion. 

It  was  hoped  and  believed  that  the  leaders  of  the  Republican  party 
would  again,  in  1884,  heed  this  reform  sentiment.  That  sentiment  was 
early  and  distinctly  declared,  and  no  charge  of  "  stabbing  in  the 
back"  the  nominee  has  any  force.  The  reform  Republicans  gave 
notice  that  they  would  not,  because  they  could  not,  support  Mr. 
Elaine  ;  and  the  most  of  them  kept  their  word.  In  the  latter  part  of 
1883  there  were  several  conferences,  one  at  Boston  and  others  in  New 
York,  culminating  in  the  dinner  held  in  Brooklyn  on  the  226.  of 


February,  1884,  which  was  perhaps  the  most  notable  expression  of 
reform  Republican  feeling  previous  to  the  Convention,  and  which 
was  one  of  the  special  precursors  of  the  Independent  campaign.  As 
the  outcome  of  this,  a  Republican  Conference  Committee  was  consti- 
tuted, under  the  chairmanship  of  General  Barlow,  which,  as  well  as 
the  Brooklyn  Young  Republican  Club,  had  a  large  delegation  at 
Chicago,  Speaking  out  clearly  in  opposition  to  the  nomination  of  Mr. 
Blaine. 

The  nomination,  on  June  6th,  of  the  candidate  most  objection- 
able to  the  Independent  element,  was  felt  at  once  to  be  a  supreme 
and  final  challenge  of  the  managers  of  the  Republican  organiza- 
tion, who  were  bound  to  put  an  end  to  "  reform  within  the  party,"  by 
striking  a  death  blow  at  "  reform  nonsense,"  although  the  nomina- 
tions undoubtedly  commanded  the  enthusiastic  support  of  a  great 
number  of  Republicans,  especially  at  the  West,  who  read  only  the 
surface  indications  of  spontaneity  at  the  Chicago  Convention,  and 
did  not  see  the  manipulation  preparatory  to  and  during  its  meeting. 
The  platform  was  scarcely  less  objectionable  than  the  candidates, 
since  for  the  first  time  in  its  history  the  Republican  party  "  dodged' '  on 
the  question  of  "money,  and  the  excellent  civil  service  reform  plank 
was  made  a  mere  hypocrisy  by  the  record  of  the  nominees.  No  time 
was  lost  by  those  who  felt  that  this  challenge  must  be  accepted,  and 
on  the  very  day  of  the  nomination  telegrams  were  sent  from  one  of  the 
members  of  this  Committee  to  other  persons,  especially  in  New  York 
and  Massachusetts,  looking  to  immediate  organization.  Massachu- 
setts was  the  first  to  respond  by  a  public  expression  of  opinion,  in  the 
declaration  of  the  Massachusetts  Reform  Club  at  its  regular  meeting 
on  the  Saturday  (June  7)  following  the  nomination.  Steps  were  at  once 
taken  in  New  York  to  hold  a  general  conference  of  those  who  had 
either  determined  on  or  were  debating  organized  opposition,  and  the 
first  private  conference  was  held  at  a  private  residence  in  Madison 
Avenue,  June  ijth,  1884.  This  resulted  in  the  appointment  of  a  pro- 
visional committee,  chiefly  local  in  personel.  Meanwhile  it  became 
evident  that  all  through  the  East,  and,  despite  the  surface  enthusi- 
asm, in  many  places  throughout  the  West,  there  was  "  in  the  air"  a 
feeling  of  indignant  protest,  which  was  determined  to  make  itself  felt. 
The  organized  movement  was  finally  shaped  at  the  conference  at  the 
University  Club  Theatre,  on  the  22d  of  July,  1884,  at  which  about 


four  hundred  Republicans,  representing  many  of  the  Northern  States, 
were  present.  They  determined  to  support  the  Democratic  nominee, 
Grover  Cleveland,  for  President.  This  conference  resulted  in  the  ap- 
pointment of  the  National  Committee  of  Republicans  and  Indepen- 
dents, under  whose  management  the  ensuing  campaign  was  conducted. 

The  National  Committee  met  immediately  after  the  adjournment 
of  the  conference,  and  delegated  its  powers  in  the  executive  manage- 
ment of  the  campaign  to  an  Executive  Committee,  composed  chiefly 
of  members  resident  in  New  York.  This  Committee  recognized  at 
once  that  the  success  of  the  campaign  during  the  fall  must  depend 
upon  the  preliminary  work  of  organization  during  the  summer,  and 
during  the  vacation  period  one  of  its  members  gave  his  time  almost 
without  interruption  to  that  most  important  work.  Headquarters  were 
taken  at  35  Nassau  Street,  and  the  necessary  clerical  force  trained  to 
its  duties.  After  several  unsuccessful  attempts  to  find  the  right  man 
for  the  place,  the  Committee  was  fortunate  in  obtaining  the  services 
of  Mr.  A.  E.  Walradt,  who  had  formerly  been  the  clerk  of  the  Brook- 
lyn Young  Republican  Club,  and  his  executive  ability  and  untiring 
energy  as  manager  of  the  office,  from  his  appointment  until  election 
day,  were  a  most  important  aid  to  the  Committee. 

The  success  of  any  political  movement  covering  so  wide  a  field 
must  depend  largely  upon  the  completeness  and  efficiency  of  its  ex- 
ecutive machinery,  and  the  distinction  between  such  organization  and 
"  the  machine,"  so  called,  is  simply  that  the  first  is  for  the  sake  of 
expressing  and  the  second  for  the  sake  of  suppressing  the  will  of  its 
constituents.  The  Executive  Committee  found  that  its  work  must  be  : 
(i)  to  prepare  simple  and  effective  statements  of  the  facts  of  Mr. 
Elaine's  record  and  of  the  campaign  ;  (2)  to  reach  with  these  facts 
every  voter  who  could  be  influenced,  and  particularly  that  great  body 
of  voters  who  are  beyond  the  reach  of  the  regular  press  ;  (3)  to  pro- 
mote organizations  which  should  give  to  the  individual  voter  the  moral 
support  so  many  require  to  stimulate  their  individual  conscience. 

The  greater  part  of  the  money  raised  for  the  campaign  was  accord- 
ingly spent  in  the  publication  and  distribution  of  documents.  In  the 
regular  series,  of  uniform  i2mo  page,  fourteen  documents  were  pub- 
lished, of  which  four  were  duplicated  in  German  translation.  Over 
2,000,000  of  these  were  issued,  varying  from  two  to  thirty-two  pages 
each.  The  largest  number  of  single  documents  was  nearly  600,000  of 


5 

Xo.  10,  which  included  the  points  it  was  thought  especially  desirable 
to  make  in  the  latter  days  of  the  campaign  ;  275,000  of  No.  13,  Mr. 
Beecher's  address  ;  and  200,000  in  English  and  75,000  in  German  of 
No.  3,  Mr.  Schurz's  Brooklyn  address,  which  during  the  early  part  of 
the  campaign  was  the  document  universally  sought.  Of  the  Harper's 
Weekly  supplement,  nearly  225,000  copies  were  circulated.  Consider- 
able editions  of  this  last  and  of  some  of  the  preceding  documents  were 
supplied  to  the  Democratic  Committee  for  distribution  through  their 
channels.  The  Committee  also  published  a  number  of  special  docu- 
ments for  local  or  specific  use,  including  a  catechism  on  Blaineism,  a 
tariff  circular  for  New  Jersey,  showing  that  the  tariff  was  not  the 
issue  in  the  presidential  campaign  ;  cards  relating  to  pensions  and 
the  interests  of  workingmen,  for  use  in  New  York  and  Indiana  ;  a 
circular  contradicting  the  Beecher  "  bread-and-water"  story,  and 
letters  of  the  Executive  Committee  circulating  with  the  documents, 
amounting  in  all  to  over  500,000  more.  The  Committee  also  pur- 
chased and  circulated  a  number  of  other  publications,  including  the 
Evening  Post  pamphlet,  the  Boston  Blaine  record,  etc. 

Besides  the  work  done  by  the  Executive  Committee  of  the  National 
Committee,  most  of  the  State  and  many  of  the  local  organizations 
issued  documents  of  their  own,  so  that  the  entire  literature  of  the 
campaign,  of  which  a  collection  was  carefully  made,  would  together 
make  a  volume  of  nearly  a  thousand  pages.  The  comprehensive 
statement  of  Mr.  Elaine's  record,  compiled  by  Mr.  Mooffield  Storey, 
and  that  of  his  foreign  policy-,  compiled  by  Mr.  Edward  H.  Strobel, 
issued  by  the  co-operation  of  the  Massachusetts  Committee,  were  es- 
pecially valuable  as  mines  of  fact  for  the  benefit  of  other  writers. 

The  second  portion  of  the  work  before  the  Executive  Committee 
was  the  distribution  of  the  literature  thus  provided,  the  organization 
of  meetings,  and  the  supply  of  speakers.  As  soon  as  public  notice 
was  given  of  the  organization  of  the  Committee,  names  of  sympa- 
thizers with  the  movement  began  to  reach  it.  These  people,  and  a 
great  number  of  others  whose  names  were  procured  through  various 
channels,  were  communicated  with  at  once,  and  slips  were  sent  to 
them,  one  containing  a  statement  of  the  intention  to  vote  against 
Mr.  Blaine  and  the  other  adding  the  intention  to  vote  for  Mr. 
Cleveland,  so  that  the  division  on  this  point  among  Independents 
might  not  cause  embarrassment  in  the  enrolment.  No  name  was 


entered  on  the  enrolment  lists — which  became  very  large  before  the 
end  of  the  campaign — unless  the  person  enrolled  had  signed  one  of 
the  slips  or  had  in  some  other  way  directly  signified  his  assent  to 
the  movement.  Those  enrolled  were  supplied  by  post  with  each 
document  as  it  was  issued,  and  they  were  asked  to  send  from  time  to 
time  the  names  of  others  who  either  sympathized  with  us  or  were 
open  to  argument.  The  latter  class  were  listed  on  what  were  called 
the  "  document  rolls,"  and  each  document  thought  likely  to  be  effec- 
tive was  sent  to  them,  unless  word  was  received  from  them,  or  from 
others,  that  no  arguments  would  affect  them.  The  increase  of  this 
work  and  of  the  relations  with  other  organizations  is  best  shown  by 
the  fact  that  the  work  which  commenced  in  July  with  the  services  of 
three  required  before  election  day  a  staff  of  over  seventy  people. 

The  burden  of  speaking  during  the  early  part  of,  and  indeed 
throughout,  the  campaign,  fell  upon  Mr.  Schurz,  the  importance  of 
whose  efforts  for  this  cause  cannot  be  too  much  appreciated.  His 
speech  in  Brooklyn,  August  5th,  was  the  first  gun,  which  found  after- 
ward so  many  echoes,  and  for  a  long  time  it  supplied  the  literature 
of  the  campaign.  Later  on,  particularly  by  the  help  of  the  Massachu- 
setts men,  a  number  of  speakers  were  secured,  including  Colonel  T.  W. 
Higginson,  Josiah  Quincy,  and  others,  who  did  effective  work  in  other 
States  than  their  own.  Neither  Mr.  Schurz  nor  any  of  these  speakers 
accepted  any  remuneration  for  their  services.  The  Committee  cordially 
recognizes  also  the  valuable  services  performed  by  volunteer  speakers 
from  New  York,  Boston,  and  other  centr.es  of  the  campaign,  in  their  own 
States.  Toward  the  end  of  the  campaign  the  address  of  Mr.  Beecher  at 
the  Brooklyn  Rink,  October  22d,  followed  by  several  speeches  in 
New  York,  Connecticut,  and  New  Jersey,  and  the  address  of  the  Chair- 
man of  the  National  Committee,  Mr.  Curtis,  also  at  the  Brooklyn 
Rink,  October  3oth,  were  most  important  features  of  the  campaign. 

The  promotion  of  organization  throughout  the  States  where  the 
balance-of-power-vote  was  active  was  largely  covered  within  the 
States  themselves,  and  in  several  instances  the  organizations  had 
been  started  before  the  complete  organization  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee. A  brief  statement  of  the  salient  points  of  organization  and 
interest  in  each  of  the  States  must  suffice  for  this  report  : 

In  Massachusetts  the  first  action  was  taken  Saturday,  June  yth, 
the  day  after  Elaine's  nomination,  by  the  Massachusetts  Reform  Club, 


one  of  whose  regular  meetings  fell  on  that  day.  A  public  meeting 
was  held  at  the  Meionaon,  June  i3th,  at  which  speeches  were  made 
by  Henry  L.  Pierce,  Charles  R.  Codman,  James  Freeman  Clarke, 
Colonel  Higginson,  and  President  Eliot  ;  and  the  Committee  of 
One  Hundred,  and  a  Committee  to  take  part  in  the  Independent 
Conference  at  New  York,  were  then  appointed.  The  Committee 
of  One  Hundred  opened  headquarters  at  166  Washington  Street,  June 
24th,  and  began  at  once  to  receive  evidence  of  the  great  interest  in 
the  movement  throughout  the  State.  It  prepared  an  important  ad- 
dress to  the  voters  of  Massachusetts,  issued  August  gth  ;  and  the 
detailed  Elaine  Record,  prepared  by  Mr.  Moorfield  Storey,  and  the 
pamphlet  on  Elaine's  Foreign  Policy,  prepared  by  Mr.  Edward  H. 
Strobel,  were  issued  with  its  co-operation.  The  Massachusetts  Com- 
mittee sent  men  throughout  the  State  to  organize  in  the  several 
towns,  and  before  the  close  of  the  campaign  almost  every  town  was 
represented  on  the  rolls  by  a  considerable  proportion  of  its  Repub- 
lican voters.  The  work  of  local  organization  was  very  complete 
throughout  Massachusetts  ;  more  than  thirty  organized  bodies  were 
in  communication  with  the  central  headquarters,  and  several  hun- 
dred meetings  were  held  during  the  course  of  the  fall.  The  great 
meetings  of  the  campaign  were  the  opening  meeting  in  Boston  at 
Tremont  Temple,  October  ist  ;  the  occasion  of  Mr.  Schurz's  ad- 
dress, October  22d,  at  Tremont  Temple,  and  the  Business  Men's 
Meeting,  October  3oth,  at  Faneuil  Hall.  The  receipts  of  the  cam- 
paign were  $22,009,  of  which  $3000  was  sent  to  the  National  Com- 
mittee, and  $17,989  expended  under  direction  of  the  State  Com- 
mittee, leaving  a  balance  of  $1019.  The  diversion  of  the  Butler 
vote  (24,382)  prevented  this  work  having  its  full  effect,  but  a 
part  of  its  influence  is  shown  by  the  fact  that  the  Republican 
candidate  for  governor  received  12,621  votes  more  than  Mr.  Blaine, 
and  that  St.  John  polled  9923  votes,  a  gain  of  8000  over  the  Pro- 
hibition vote  of  the  previous  year,  the  greater  part  of  which  came 
from  Independent  Republicans.  Mr.  Raymond  L.  Bridgman,  who 
has  published  an  interesting  historical  pamphlet  on  "  The  Inde- 
pendents of  Massachusetts  in  1884,"  estimates  that  Mr.  Blaine 
had  approximately  44,481  votes  less  than  the  normal  Republican 
majority,  reckoned  on  the  basis  of  the  Garfield  vote  with  a  propor- 
tionate addition  for  the  increase  of  population.  The  Massachusetts 


8 

Committee  also  undertook  such  work  as  was  done  in  Maine  and 
in  New  Hampshire,  and  it  helped  the  National  Committee  not  only 
with  money  and  speakers,  but  also  by  sending  two  active  organizers 
into  the  West. 

In  the  State  of  Rhode  Island  the  campaign  was  conducted  jointly  by 
the  two  local  clubs  in  Newport  and  Providence.  In  both  these  centres 
a  considerable  proportion  of  the  staunchest  Republicans  declined  to 
vote  for  Mr.  Elaine,  and,  as  a  result,  Mr.  Elaine  polled  four  per  cent 
less  of  the  total  vote  than  Mr.  Garfield  polled  in  1880,  while  he  lost 
also  a  considerable  number  of  stay-at-home  votes,  which  did  not 
count  in  the  total.  The  Newport  Club  edited  two  columns  of  the 
Newport  Daily  JVews,  which  were  engaged  for  that  purpose,  issued 
an  address  which  it  sent  to  every  Republican  voter  in  the  county, 
and  expended  about  $1200  in  its  work.  The  result  was  that  in  New- 
port city  in  a  poll  of  2322,  Mr.  Elaine's  majority  was  but  224,  whereas 
Garfield  had  583  majority  in  a  poll  of  1801. 

In  Connecticut  the  campaign  was  under  the  management  of  the 
Committee  of  Twenty-Five  at  New  Haven,  and  it  presented  several 
interesting  features.  The  Committee  maintained  a  reading-room  at 
New  Haven  during  the  campaign,  but  its  distinctive  work  was  in  its 
methods  of  action  for  stimulating  local  interest.  In  the  early  part 
of  the  campaign  one  of  the  members  of  the  Connecticut  Committee 
used  his  summer  in  travelling  with  a  horse  and  wagon  through  several 
counties,  asking  the  names  of  anti-Elaine  Republicans,  promoting 
local  organization,  and  distributing  documents.  Later  on,  a  second 
representative,  whose  expenses  were  paid  in  part  by  the  National 
Committee,  did  excellent  service  in  visiting  the  gounty  fairs  where  the 
farmers  congregated  in  good  numbers.  During  the  latter  part  of  the 
campaign  public  meetings  were  held  in  New  Haven,  Hartford,  Meri- 
den,  Norwalk,  Bridgeport,  and  other  principal  cities  and  towns, 
which  were  addressed  in  some  cases  by  Mr.  Schurz  and  other  dis- 
tinguished speakers  from  other  States.  The  Committee  also  caused 
Independent  ballots,  containing  the  names  of  the  Republican  candi- 
dates for  State  offices  and  of  the  Democratic  electors,  to  be  dis- 
tributed by  mail  or  otherwise,  to  every  Republican  voter  in  the  State, 
believing  that  many  Independent  voters  might  otherwise  be  pre- 
vented, by  political  or  other  pressure,  from  voting  in  accordance  with 
their  convictions.  There  was  considerable  fear  of  a  workingmen's 


disaffection  in  this  State,  but  the  number  of  Independents  was  so 
great  that  the  State  was  carried  for  Cleveland  by  a  plurality  of  1276, 
reversing  the  plurality  of  2656  by  which  Garfield  won  in  1880. 

In  New  York  the  State  organization  was  much  less  complete  than 
it  would  have  been,  had  not  those  members  of  the  National  Execu- 
tive Committee  who  were  residents  in  New  York  been  practically 
charged  with  the  additional  duties  of  State  and  City  Committees. 
There  were  effective  local  organizations,  however,  in  Brooklyn,  Buf- 
falo, Rochester,  in  most  of  the  smaller  cities,  and  in  very  many  of  the 
towns.  Besides  these  almost  every  township  had  its  local  Cleve- 
land and  Hendricks  Campaign  Club  with  which  the  Independent 
Republicans  and  Independents  of  the  locality  united.  A  series  of 
important  meetings  was  held,  especially  on  the  line  of  cities  on 
the  New  York  Central  Railroad,  at  which  Mr.  Schurz  made  an 
effective  series  of  addresses.  The  investigation  by  the  Committee 
in  Buffalo  of  the  scandals  against  Mr.  Cleveland  was  of  the  utmost 
importance  in  the  campaign.  The  Brooklyn  organization  was 
thorough  and  effective,  and  the  most  important  series  of  meetings  in 
the  country  was  held  under  the  auspices  of  its  Committee  of  One  Hun- 
dred, as  has  already  been  recorded.  In  New  York  City  the  nomination 
of  Mr.  Grace  was  in  great  part  influenced  and  his  campaign  organized 
and  carried  on  by  men  connected  with  the  Independent  Republican 
campaign,  and  the  diversion  of  their  work  in  this  direction  caused  very 
great  delay  in  the  proper  organization  of  the  local  work  for  the  presi- 
dential ticket.  A  few  weeks  before  the  campaign  closed,  however, 
local  headquarters  were  secured  at  947  Broadway,  and  85,000  sets  of 
documents  were  sent  out  to  the  Republican  districts  within  three  days 
and  two  nights  under  the  excellent  organization  there  perfected. 
Among  these  were  the  Presidential  ballot  and  the  Constitutional 
Amendment  ballot,  which  latter  was  printed  and  circulated  by  this 
Committee  because  it  was  found  that  the  two  regular  parties  had  pur- 
posely or  carelessly  omitted  furnishing  this  important  ballot  to  citizens 
interested.  The  Local  Committee  also  distributed  quantities  of  Mr. 
Schurz's  speech  in  German  districts  during  the  Saturday  night  pre- 
ceding the  election,  and  otherwise  accomplished  a  great  deal  of  effec- 
tive work,  the  results  of  which  showed  on  election  day.  .  It  is  estimated 
that  more  than  75,000  Independents  voted  in  New  York  State,  the 
smallness  of  the  plurality  for  Cleveland  being  caused  by  the  disaffec- 


10 

tion  among  certain  classes  of  Democrats  upon  which  the  Elaine  man- 
agers had  built  their  hopes  of  carrying  the  State. 

In  New  Jersey  a  most  interesting  campaign  was  fought  by  the  State 
Central  Committee,  with  the  help  in  Southern  New  Jersey  of  the 
Philadelphia  Committee.  The  apathy  of  the  Democrats  during  much 
of  the  campaign  threatened  the  loss  of  that  State,  and  the  final  re- 
sult was  mainly  due  to  the  work  of  the  Independent  Committee. 
The  Committee  occupied  headquarters  in  Taylor's  Hotel,  Jersey 
City,  close  by  those  of  the  regular  parties  ;  twenty-two  local  organi- 
zations reported  to  it,  and  over  forty  meetings  were  held  in  the  State, 
Mr.  Beecher  and  Mr.  Schurz  being  the  leading  speakers.  Organized 
efforts  were  made  by  the  Elaine  Republicans  to  interfere  with  these 
meetings.  Ballots  were  printed  and  circulated,  and  in  Hudson 
County,  particularly,  special  arrangements  were  made  to  keep  the 
polls  supplied.  At  the  close  of  the  campaign  the  Committee  learned 
of  preparations  for  wholesale  bribery  and  trickery  at  the  polls,  and 
in  consultation  with  the  National  Executive  Committee  it  was  de- 
cided to  put  several  of  Pinkerton's  detectives  at  work  in  the  State, 
with  orders  to  do'everything  that  they  could  to  prevent  corruption, 
no  matter  which  party  might  be  hit.  This  action  served  as  a  notice 
to  those  engaged  in  this  nefarious  work  that  their  plans  were  more 
or  less  known,  and  it  undoubtedly  prevented  its  continuance  on  the 
scale  planned.  The  result  of  the  work  in  New  Jersey  was  shown  by 
a  plurality  for  Cleveland  of  4412,  despite  a  considerable  defection  of 
certain  classes  of  Democratic  voters.  It  is  estimated  that  in  Hudson 
County  alone  the  Independents  polled  over  3000  votes,  and  it  is 
reckoned  that  not  less  than  15,000  Independent  votes  were  cast  in  the 
State. 

In  Pennsylvania  work  was  confined  chiefly  to  that  of  the  Philadel- 
phia Committee,  which,  of  course,  attempted  to  do  no  more  than 
bear  testimony  to  the  cause  of  purity  in  politics  and  of  true  Repub- 
licanism, and  give  what  assistance  it  could  to  its  co-workers  in  other 
States,  by  pecuniary  support  of  the  National  Committee  and  by  the 
organization  of  meetings  and  the  supply  of  speakers  in  Southern 
New  Jersey.  But  the  existence  of  this  Committee  in  Philadelphia, 
headed  by  Mr.  Henry  C.  Lea,  was  of  great  use  in  other  States,  as 
showing  that  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Elaine  was  not  based  on  merely 
political  or  economic  questions,  but  on  the  deeper  ground  of  public 


II 

honesty.  The  Committee  printed  25,000  copies  of  a  State  address, 
besides  circulating  49,100  other  documents,  and  raised  $1765.43,  of 
which  $600  was  sent  to  the  National  Committee.  The  increased 
majority  of  Mr.  Elaine  was  due  in  part  to  the  apathy  of  the  Demo- 
cratic State  Committee,  and  in  part  to  defections  illustrated  by  the 
fact  that  the  five  leading  anthracite  counties,  which  polled  79,503 
votes  in  1880  and  86,561  in  1884,  or  9  per  cent  increase,  converted  a 
Democratic  plurality  of  5233  in  1880  into  a  Elaine  plurality  of  4250 
in  1884,  a  change  which  made  nearly  a  quarter  of  the  total  change 
in  the  State,  though  in  only  one  tenth  of  the  State  vote. 

In  Ohio  the  work  of  organization  was  carried  on  from  the  three 
centres  of  Cleveland,  Columbus,  and  Cincinnati.  The  insistance  by 
the  Elaine  Republicans  that  a  large  Republican  majority  in  Ohio  in 
October  meant  the  election  of  Elaine  in  November,  compelled  the 
National  Executive  Committee,  against  its  will,  to  take  part  in  the  State 
campaign  culminating  in  that  month.  It  should  undoubtedly  be  a 
fundamental  principle  with  Independents  that  at  each  election,  whether 
municipal  or  State,  the  contest  should  be  over  the  candidates  actually 
before  the  voters,  rather  than  with  reference  to  more  remote  contin- 
gencies ;  but  it  is  notorious  that'll  has  been  impossible  to  carry  out 
this  principle  in  the  case  of  the  October  States — a  fact  which  furnishes 
the  best  of  reasons  for  doing  away  with  the  system  altogether.  Ohio 
is  now  the  only  State  adhering  to  this  plan,  and  it  will  be  a  battle- 
ground for  the  worst  politics  and  a  hot-bed  of  corruption,  until  this 
last  October  State  places  itself  on  the  roll  to  which  West  Virginia  has 
been  added  this  year.  Mr.  Schurz  made  an  effective  series  of  ad- 
dresses in  Ohio  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign,  but  the  defection 
from  the  Democratic  ranks  was  so  much  greater  than  was  expected  as 
almost  to  obscure  entirely  the  Republican  revolt.  The  Republican 
candidate  for  Secretary  of  State,  however,  received  in  October  a 
plurality  of  only  11,242  and  was  in  a  minority  on  the  total  vote,  and 
the  majority  of  Mr.  Elaine  was  but  15,554  against  25,155  for  Mr.  Gar- 
field.  Counting  the  increase  of  population,  the  Prohibition  vote,  and 
other  elements,  it  is  probable  that  not  less  than  20,000  voters  in  Ohio 
can  be  reckoned  as  Independents. 

In  Indiana  a  vigorous  campaign  was  conducted  by  the  central 
organization  at  Indianapolis,  under  great  disadvantages.  Mr. 
Schurz's  address  at  Indianapolis  changed  the  tone  of  the  campaign 


12 

in  that  State,  and  over  fifty  other  speeches  were  made  by  Independents. 
The  Committee  printed  30,000  copies  of  a  pamphlet  on  "  Elaine," 
and  11,000  of  "  The  Eleventh  Hour"  address,  and  circulated  also  120,- 
ooo  other  documents,  besides  hiring  for  the  seven  days  before  election 
an  advertising  column  in  the  Indianapolis  Evening  News,  at  a  cost  of 
$200  ;  $883.93  was  collected  and  spent,  although  headquarters  were 
loaned  and  all  the  clerical  force  was  voluntary.  A  weekly  publica- 
tion, The  Freeman,  was  kept  up  during  the  campaign,  and  has  since 
been  continued  ;  it  was  not,  however,  supported  or  controlled  by  the 
Committee,  as  it  supported  revenue  reform  as  well  as  civil  service 
reform,  whereas  the  Committee  advocated  the  defeat  of  Mr.  Elaine 
only  on  the  latter  grounds.  A  great  deal  of  effective  work  was  done 
at  such  workingmen's  centres  as  South  Bend,  where  certain  large 
manufacturers  had  threatened  to  parade  their  workmen  en  masse 
and  have  their  total  vote  cast  at  the  polls  for  Mr.  Elaine.  This  was 
in  part  prevented  by  the  help  of  the  Committee  in  this  State,  and 
some  detective  work  also  assisted  in  vindicating  the  rights  of  citizens 
against  corrupt  combinations.  It  was  acknowledged  throughout 
the  State  that  the  plurality  for  Cleveland  of  6427  was  fully  due  to 
the  work  of  the  Independents. 

In  Illinois  the  first  step  was  taken  about  the  middle  of  July,  when 
a  small  private  meeting  was  held  at  the  Palmer  House  in  Chicago, 
at  which  arrangements  were  made  for  an  active  organization.  After 
some  delay  a  strong  Committee  of  twenty-five,  known  as  "  The 
Central  Committee  of  Republicans  and  Independents,"  was  ap- 
pointed. This  Committee  acted  for  the  State  and  to  some  extent 
outside  of  its  limits,  especially  in  Indiana  and  Iowa.  The  campaign 
was  opened  by  a  great  meeting,  held  in  Chicago  on  September  nth, 
which  was  addressed  by  Mr.  Schurz,  and  which  produced  a  marked 
effect.  Mr.  Schurz  also  addressed  successful  meetings  at  Rockford 
and  Bloomington.  On  September  i2th  the  Committee  opened  head- 
quarters at  the  Palmer  House,  and  began  the  issue  of  documents. 
Two  addresses  (25,000  copies  each),  an  analysis  of  the  Mulligan  Letters 
(23,000),  and  the  speech  by  the  Rev.  James  Freeman  Clarke  (20,000) 
were  issued.  In  all  at  least  200,000  documents  were  circulated,  most 
of  which  were  sent  directly  to  individual  voters.  The  enrolment  in 
the  State  exceeded  16,000,  most  of  whom  were  known  to  be  Inde- 
pendent Republicans.  The  expenditures  were  about  $2300,  all  of 


13 

which  was  expended  in  documents,  postage,  rent,  and  clerk  hire. 
A  very  successful  meeting  was  held  late  in  the  campaign  in  Chicago, 
at  which  the  speaking  was  by  members  of  the  Committee.  Speakers 
were  also  furnished  for  a  considerable  number  of  smaller  meetings  at 
other  places.  The  results  show  a  majority  of  2269  for  Mr.  Elaine 
against  13,762  for  Mr.  Garfield,  and  a  reduction  of  the  party's 
plurality  of  47,000  (on  the  basis  of  the  vote  of  1880,  and  including  the 
increased  vote)  to  25,000.  This  was  accomplished  in  the  face  of  a 
Democratic  loss  of  from  12,000  to  15,000  votes,  chiefly  Irish.  A  large 
part  of  the  Prohibition  vote  of  12,074  consisted  of  Independents  who 
declined  to  go  so  far  as  to  support  Democratic  candidates.  It  is 
estimated  that  at  least  20,000  Independents  voted  directly  for  Mr. 
Cleveland,  and  that  there  were  probably  10,000  more  who  refused  to 
support  Mr.  Blaine. 

In  Wisconsin  an  efficient  committee  existed  at  Milwaukee,  and 
several  of  Mr.  Schurz's  addresses  in  the  early  part  of  the  campaign 
were  delivered  under  its  auspices.  Mr.  Elaine's  majority  was  2444 
as  against  a  majority  for  Garfield  of  21,605. 

In  Iowa  an  active  and  aggressive  campaign  was  maintained.  In 
many  parts  of  the  State  the  entire  campaign  was  in  charge  of  Inde- 
pendent Republicans  working  in  harmony  with  the  Democrats.  Late 
in  the  campaign  a  State  Central  Committee  was  organized,  making 
headquarters  at  Des  Moines,  and  having  a  representative  from  each 
Congressional  district.  This  Committee  had  its  representatives  in 
the  several  counties  of  the  State.  From  this  time  an  active  and 
organized  effort  was  maintained  until  the  end  of  the  campaign.  Over 
50,000  copies  of  an  address  to  voters  in  the  §tate  were  sent  out,  be- 
sides as  many  more  documents  from  the  National  Committee.  The 
majority  for  Blaine  proved  to  be  18,311  as  against  a  Garneld  ma- 
jority of  44,789. 

The  Committee  was  much  embarrassed  by  the  lack  at  the  begin- 
ning of  the  campaign  of  sufficient  funds  or  assurance  of  funds  to 
plan  adequately  for  the  work  which  it  saw  before  it.  As  election 
day  approached,  and  public  interest  was  heightened,  a  reasonable 
amount  of  solicitation,  the  appeals  of  the  Evening  Post  and  other 
journals,  the  help  of  the  Boston  and  Philadelphia  committees,  and 
an  increasing  flow  of  small  voluntary  subscriptions,  gave  the  Com- 
mittee all  the  funds  it  then  needed  ;  but  the  embarrassment  during 


14 

the  summer  prevented  much  work  which  should  have  been  done,  and 
which,  if  done,  would,  for  instance,  have  increased  the  majority  in 
New  York  by  several  thousand  votes.  Money  given  or  pledged  at 
the  start  of  such  a  movement  is  worth  ten  times  that  which  comes 
toward  the  end  of  a  campaign.  When  the  public  interest  is  stimu- 
lated by  the  results  of  work  already  done,  the  opportunity  for  much 
of  the  most  effective  and  important  work  will  have  disappeared.  The 
Committee  was  most  anxious  in  the  early  part  of  the  summer  to  send 
at  least  two  representatives  throughout  the  State  of  New  York  and 
thence  West,  but  it  did  not  feel  justified  in  undertaking  that  expense. 
Later  on  two  gentlemen  from  Massachusetts,  Mr.  George  G.  Wright 
and  Mr.  Archibald  M.  Howe,  volunteered  for  organizing  work  in  Ohio 
and  adjacent  States,  and  the  results  of  their  mission  showed  how  much 
more  could  have  been  accomplished  if  means  had  been  earlier  assured. 
The  final  financial  exhibit — made  public  in  accordance  with  a  vote  of 
the  Committee  at  the  beginning  of  the  campaign,  in  the  belief  that 
publicity  of  accounts  is  one  of  the  most  important  of  the  reforms  in 
political  management — proves,  however,  that  the  American  people, 
once  their  interest  is  awakened,  are  perfectly  willing  to  give  adequate 
popular  support,  to  political  work,  and  that  political  organizations 
can  be  maintained  without  resort  to  political  assessments,  upon  which 
the  Elaine  Republicans,  despite  their  professions  of  civil  service  re- 
form, endeavored  to  rely.  The  total  receipts  of  the  National  Com- 
mittee were  $23,836. 17,  and  the  expenditures  are  detailed  in  the 
Treasurer's  Report  appended.  The  figures  reported  by  other  States 
of  local  receipts  and  expenditures  indicate  that  the  entire  Independent 
campaign  was  conducted  at  an  expense  not  much  exceeding  $50,000. 
The  publication  of  the  second  series  of  Mr.  Elaine's  letters  by  Mr. 
Mulligan  and  Mr.  Fisher  was  perhaps  the  most  important  feature  of 
the  early  part  of  the  campaign.  After  Mr.  Schurz's  Brooklyn  speech, 
word  was  received  that  important  further  information  might  be  forth- 
coming from  Mr.  Mulligan,  who  felt  that  he  was  entitled  to  make  a  true 
statement  of  Mr.  Elaine's  railroad  transactions,  in  correction  of  Mr. 
Elaine's  statements  during  the  investigation  of  1876,  and  that  the  duty 
of  a  further  exposure  of  Mr.  Elaine's  methods  was  incumbent  upon 
him.  A  member  of  this  Committee  spent  some  time  in  Boston,  and 
with  the  co-operation  of  several  of  the  Independents  there,  arranged 
for  the  publication  of  what  were  afterward  know  as  the  second  Mulli- 


15 

gan  letters.  These  were  selected  from  an  immense  mass  of  corre- 
spondence, among  which  were  still  other  letters  which  would  have 
thrown  still  more  light  on  the  original  series  of  letters  and  on  Mr. 
Blaine's  transactions  in  general.  It  is  due  to  Mr.  Mulligan  and  Mr. 
Fisher  to  state  that  these  letters  were  made  public  without  any  con- 
sideration, present  or  future,  of  any  kind  whatever,  but  simply  as  a 
matter  of  public  duty. 

In  addition  to  the  material  furnished  by  Mr.  Mulligan  and  Mr. 
Fisher,  the  Executive  Committee  received  almost  daily  fresh  informa- 
tion as  to  Mr.  Blaine's  use  of  his  political  position  for  private  gain, 
which  confirmed  the  evidence  of  these  letters,  and  which  frequently 
accounted  for  the  opposition  to  Mr.  Elaine  developed  here  and  there 
in  unexpected  quarters.  Some  of  these  developments  were  printed 
in  the  daily  press,  but  for  the  most  part  it  was  found  either  that 
those  having  evidence  feared  to  make  it  public,  in  view  of  possible 
revenges  in  case  of  Mr.  Blaine's  success,  or  that,  although  morally 
sufficient,  the  evidence  could  not,  in  the  haste  incident  to  a  vigorous 
campaign,  be  given  in  satisfactory  legal  or  public  shape.  The  Com- 
mittee was  also  largely  influenced  by  the  consideration  that  the  evi- 
dence already  made  public  was  amply  sufficient  to  justify  the  opposi- 
tion of  honest  and  patriotic  citizens  to  Mr.  Blaine,  and  that  it  was 
more  important  to  circulate  widely  the  facts  already  proved  than  to 
add  to  their  volume.  The  proof  that  the  series  of  attacks  upon 
other  Republican  leaders  in  the  Tribune  of  1880  had  been  written 
by  Gail  Hamilton  from  under  Mr.  Blaine's  roof,  and  indorsed  by 
Mr.  Blaine — shamelessly  declared  by  the  Tribune  to  be  a  forgery 
bf  the  Times — and  the  knowledge  that  there  were  other  letters,  as 
weh  as  the  Harrington  letter,  showing  Mr.  Blaine's  "  lukewarmness" 
in  1882,  lent  additional  support  to  the  charges  that  Mr.  Blaine's 
motion  for  the  Credit  Mobilier  investigation  was  an  early  attempt  to 
kill  off  his  rivals  within  the  party,  and  that  even  in  matters  of  party 
loyalty  no  trust  could  be  placed  in  his  words  or  acts. 

The  Committee  early  determined,  in  regard  to  the  scandals  affect- 
ing Mr.  Blaine's  private  relations,  that  it  would  not  countenance 
their  circulation — a  course  in  which  it  had  the  example  and  support 
of  Mr.  Cleveland's  own  determination.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Blaine  Republicans  left  no  stone  unturned  to  make  the  most  of  the 
scandals  against  Mr.  Cleveland  which  they  so  industriously  cir- 


i6 

culated.  The  Committee  was  satisfied,  from  the  direct  and  indirect 
evidence,  that  such  use  of  the  material  was  authorized  either  by  Mr. 
Elaine  or  by  those  nearest  to  him  in  the  conduct  of  his  campaign. 
The  first  entrance  of  this  matter  into  the  canvass  seemed  to  have  been 
carefully  planned  with  a  view  to  the  meeting  of  the  Independent 
Conference,  although  it  was  only  during  the  latter  hours  of  that  Con- 
ference that  the  material  was  brought  to  the  notice  of  those  taking 
prominent  part  in  its  deliberations,  and  then  in  such  manner  that 
its  possible  importance  was  overlooked.  The  original  charge, 
about  which  was  woven  a  tissue  of  sensational  untruth,  was  soon 
followed  by  a  network  of  scandals,  to  which  representatives  of  this 
movement  several  times  gave  critical  investigation,  without  finding 
any  basis  of  fact.  The  leaders  of  the  Independent  movement  did  not 
feel  that  what  of  truth  remained  in  the  original  charge  would  justify 
them  in  withdrawing  from  the  campaign  and  acquiescing  in  the  elec- 
tion by  default  of  such  a  candidate  as  Mr.  Elaine,  or  could  make  them 
in  any  sense  apologists  for  sins  against  personal  morality.  It  is  un- 
doubtedly true,  however,  that  the  existence  of  this  charge  seriously 
jeoparded  Mr.  Cleveland's  election,  and  lost  him  tens  of  thousands 
and  possibly  hundreds  of  thousands  of  votes.  If  there  had  been 
no  possibility  of  such  charges  against  Mr.  Cleveland,  his  cause  would 
have  been  assured  almost  without  effort.  If  Mr.  Elaine  had  been 
believed  to  be  an  honest  man,  he  would  have  been  President  of  the 
United  States  years  ago.  These  two  facts  are  sufficient  answer  to 
the  allegation  that  the  result  of  the  campaign  tended  to  obscure  the 
importance  of  morality  in  private  and  public  life. 

The  Committee  received  many  strong  letters  and  personal  appeals 
early  in  the  campaign  to  take  steps  toward  the  nomination  of  a  third 
candidate,  who  would  fully  and  specifically  represent  a  "  conscience 
vote  ;"  but  it  felt  that  it  could  not  advise  its  constituents  to  swerve 
from  the  original  purpose  of  vindicating  political  reform  by  defeating 
Mr.  Elaine.  To  have  given  any  countenance  to  a  "  third  party"  move- 
ment would  have  been,  as  is  now  sufficiently  proved,  the  best  means 
of  insuring  his  election.  It  was  vitally  necessary  that  destructive 
work  should  precede  constructive.  This  is  often  the  law  of  reform. 
The  Committee  kept  carefully  in  mind,  however,  the  fact  that  this 
movement  was  one  of  Republicans  and  Independents,  and  had  no  re- 
lation to  the  Democratic  party  as  such  ;  at  the  same  time  the  Com- 


'7 

mittee  recognized  the  advantage  of  frequent  consultation  with  the 
members  of  the  Democratic  National  and  other  Committees,  with  a 
view  especially  to  such  co-operation  as  would  prevent  the  duplica- 
tion and  waste  of  work.  This  relation  was  not,  however,  without 
its  discouragements,  and  the  designation  of  Ex-Senator  Barnum  as 
the  Chairman  of  the  National  Democratic  Committee  was  a  serious 
blow  to  the  cause  represented  by  Mr.  Cleveland,  and  doubtless  did 
much  to  prevent  as  cordial  and  complete  support  as  many  anti-Blaine 
Republicans  desired  to  give  to  the  Democratic  candidate. 

The  result  of  the  election  justified  the  belief  which  had  been  held 
by  the  Committee,  and  on  which  it  had  based  its  work.  It  had 
been  estimated  before  election  day  that  in  the  State  of  New  York, 
for  instance,  there  were  at  least  60,000  Republicans  who  would  vote 
against  or  who  would  not  vote  for  Mr.  Blaine.  The  Blaine  managers 
undoubtedly  expected  to  overcome  this  disaffection  by  winning  over 
or  tampering  with  the  lower  element  in  the  Democratic  vote,  and 
there  were  many  indications,  aside  from  the  election  returns,  which 
showed  that  they  had  been  more  successful  in  this  direction  than  most 
observers  had  foreseen.  Throughout  the  cities  in  New  York  State,  for 
instance,  it  was  very  evident  that  the  Blaine  vote  had  fallen  off  largely 
in  the  Republican  wards  and  increased  astonishingly  in  the  Democratic 
strongholds.  The  First  and  Seventh  Wards  of  Brooklyn  are  typical 
cases.  They  had  been  strongholds  of  reform  Republicanism,  and  par- 
ticularly of  the  Brooklyn  Young  Republican  Club,  but  they  reversed 
their  pluralities  of  547  and  411  for  Garfield,  to  498  and  237  for  Cleve- 
land. The  Twentieth  Ward,  another  Republican  stronghold,  reduced 
the  Garfield  plurality  of  1263  to  a  Blaine  plurality  of  605.  On  the 
other  hand,  of  the  strongly  Democratic  wards,  the  Second  reduced  the 
Hancock  plurality  of  1006  to  831  for  Cleveland,  the  Fifth  from  1785 
to  1624,  and  the  Twelfth  from  2733  to  2450.  In  New  York  City 
the  Seventh  Assembly  District,  the  Republican  stronghold,  reduced 
Garfield's  plurality  of  1610  to  261  for  Blaine  ;  and  the  Twenty- 
first,  another  strong  Republican  district,  became  Democratic  in  1884, 
giving  Cleveland  a  plurality  of  561  in  place  of  Garfield's  plurality  of 
1109.  The  Democratic  districts  show  the  contrary  result,  the  First 
giving  a  Democratic  plurality  of  3356  in  1880,  and  only  2188  in  1884  ; 
the  Second  of  3961  against  3131  ;  the  Fourth  of  5107  against  3932  ;  the 
Sixteenth  of  3377  against  2601,  and  the  Eighteenth  of  3843  against 


i8 

3441.  Similar  results  are  shown  in  the  distinctively  Democratic  and 
Republican  divisions  in  other  cities  and  other  localities  in  the  State. 
In  other  words,  the  Elaine  campaign  had  repelled  from  the  Repub- 
lican ranks  a  great  body  of  the  reform  element,  and  had  obtained 
from  the  Democratic  ranks  a  considerable  measure  of  its  most  objec- 
tionable vote.  In  this  critical  situation  the  election  of  Mr.  Cleveland 
was  a  necessary  rebuke  to  the  most  dangerous  demagogic  combina- 
tion this  country  has  seen.  There  is  some  reason  to  believe  that  this 
political  change  was  the  result  of  a  deliberate  determination  to  divide 
the  Irish  or  rather  the  Catholic  vote  more  evenly  between  the  two 
parties,  and  that  information  of  this  intention  coming  to  Mr.  Elaine 
early  in  the  year  was  one  of  the  causes  which  changed  his  original 
opinion  that  he  could  not  be  elected  if  nominated. 

The  closeness  of  the  final  result  not  only  in  New  York,  but  in  so 
many  other  States,  was,  on  the  whole,  useful.  It  has  shown  once  for 
all  how  one  man's  voice  and  one  man's  vote  and  one  man's  work 
counts  even  among  ten  millions  of  voters.  The  trust  of  a  vote  is  one 
which  no  man  can  put  aside  by  a  mere  refusal  to  go  to  the  polls,  and 
it  will  probably  be  long  before  this  lesson  is  forgotten.  The  victory 
was  obtained,  not  as  the  result  of  one  year's  work,  or  by  the  efforts 
of  any  one  set  of  people,  but  as  a  result  of  the  political  education  in 
which  so  many  have  been  co-operating  in  recent  years,  and  by  the 
active  help  of  many  who  did  not,  as  well  as  those  who  did,  appear 
publicly  in  the  canvass.  It  has  been  a  splendid  proof  of  the  important 
fact  that,  in  the  darkest  days  of  political  corruption,  party  tyranny  and 
moral  depression,  there  exists  in  the  American  people  a  reserve  power, 
capable  of  organizing  itself  without  the  aid  of  and  indeed  against  polit- 
ical leaders,  competent  to  accomplish  the  most  difficult  undertakings 
in  political  reform.  The  first  result  of  the  election  is  found  in  the 
satisfaction  of  a  large  body  of  Republicans  who  voted,  although 
under  protest,  for  Mr.  Elaine,  with  the  proof  that  the  country  is  not 
lost  because  of  the  election  of  a  man  of  another  part)'  to  the  headship 
of  the  nation  ;  and  the  astonishing  bitterness  of  the  Elaine  Republi- 
cans since  election  day  has  shown  that  this  lesson  has  been  taught  none 
too  soon.  The  country  is  safe,  not  because  this  party  or  that  party 
is  at  the  head  of  administration,  but  because  the  people  at  large  are 
still  ready  to  rebuke  corruption,  by  whatever  party  name  it  calls 
itself.  The  superstition  of  the  danger  from  the  solid  South  seems 


19 

likely  to  go  with  this  other  superstition,  and  it  is  not  improbable  that 
one  of  the  most  wholesome  results  of  the  election  will  be  the  differen- 
tiation of  political  opinion  in  the  South,  now  that  the  heavy  hand  of 
the  Republican  leaders,  so-called,  is  taken  off. 

This  Committee  would  especially  emphasize  to  educated  voters 
the  important  responsibility  which  rests  upon  them  of  organizing, 
when  occasion  requires,  to  call  out  the  full  vote,  and  particularly  to 
outbalance  any  influence  of  the  purchasable  vote.  An  experienced 
politician  in  the  State  of  New  York  estimated  during  the  last 
campaign  that  there  were  usually  50,000  purchasable  votes  in  the 
State  of  New  York  alone,  quite  sufficient  to  control  the  result  at 
most  elections,  but  for  the  fact  that,  when  bought,  they  are  bought 
almost  equally  by  the  two  political  parties.  The  results  of  more  than 
one  election  have  shown,  nevertheless,  that  the  balance  of  power  is 
held  not  by  this  class,  but  by  the  educated  vote,  when  it  is  led  to 
put  forth  its  strength  on  the  clear  issue  of  honesty  against  corrup- 
tion. The  still  more  striking  fact,  that  the  election  of  any  given  year, 
in  a  given  State,  depends  in  a  very  large  measure  upon  the  bringing 
out  of  the  total  vote,  is  too  often  lost  sight  of.  The  census  of  1880 
showed  that  there  were  in  the  United  States  12,830,349  mates  of  vot- 
ing age,  or  almost  exactly  one  fourth  of  the  entire  population.  This 
number  in  1884  must  have  approximated  14,000,000.  The  total  vote 
was  in  1880  9,219,947,  and  in  1884  10,067,610.  It  is  true  that  this 
apathy  exists  in  much  larger  proportion  in  those  States  where  the 
majority  of  either  party  is  so  large  as  to  offer  no  inducement  of  prac- 
tical effect  to  the  individual  voter,  which  would  in  great  measure  ac- 
count for  the  somewhat  larger  proportion  of  political  apathy  at  the 
South  than  in  the  North.  But  in  New  York  State,  out  of  a  popula- 
tion of  voting  age  which  was  in  1880  1,408,751,  and  must  have  been 
in  1884  over  1,550,000,  only  1,105,826  votes  were  cast  in  1880  and 
1,171,263  in  1884.  In  New  York  City  out  of  240,906  voters  who 
actually  registered  in  1884,  only  227,847  voted  for  President,  and  in 
Brooklyn  out  of  127,004  registered,  only  119,496  voted.  The  most 
surprising  results,  however,  are  shown  in  Massachusetts,  which  had 
in  1880  a  population  of  502,648  males  over  twenty-one.  The  total 
vote  was  but  282,512  in  1880  and  303,381  in  1884.  In  addition  to  the 
number  of  insane  persons,  paupers,  persons  confined  in  prison  or 
otherwise  disfranchised  by  their  condition,  and  to  the  considerable 


2O 

number  of  unnaturalized  foreign  laborers  resident  in  that  State,  as 
in  other  States,  Massachusetts  reduces  her  vote  by  an  educational  and 
poll  tax  limitation  on  the  right  of  suffrage — which  has  not  saved 
that  commonwealth  from  the  most  flagrant  demagogery.  But  all 
these  considerations  together  are  not  sufficient  to  account  for  the 
extraordinary  fact  that  in  the  State  whose  name  is  a  synonym  for 
education  two  males  of  voting  age  out  of  five  did  not  vote.  It  is 
evident  that  in  almost  every  State,  the  proportion  which  does  not 
vote  is  sufficient  to  decide  any  election,  and  the  responsibility  of 
calling  out  this  vote,  or  at  least  of  seeing  that  it  is  not  called  out  ex- 
clusively by  the  other  side,  remains  with  the  educated  and  reform 
class.  The  table  appended  suggests  important  conclusions  on  this 
point.  In  Indiana,  on  the  contrary,  out  of  a  male  population  of  vot- 
ing age  which  was  498,837  in  1880,  470,672  votes  were  cast  in  that 
year  and  494,774  votes  in  1884.  These  figures,  after  making  deduc- 
tions for  the  insane,  etc.,  and  additions  for  the  growth  of  population, 
are  so  close  as  to  suggest  extensive  fraud  in  the  way  of  repeating, 
and  ought  to  be  carefully  considered  by  the  citizens  of  that  State. 

The  day  of  election  was  succeeded  by  several  days  of  intense 
strain,  during  which,  partly  owing  to  the  course  of  the  Tribune  and 
the  Associated  Press  reports,  the  country  was  kept  in  doubt  as  to  the 
actual  result  in  the  State  of  New  York.  In  view  of  the  determina- 
tion of  the  Elaine  Republicans  to  leave  no  stone  unturned  to  show  a 
majority  in  the  State  for  Mr.  Elaine,  and  of  the  consequent  popular 
excitement  in  New  York  City,  the  Executive  Committee  was  during 
those  days  in  almost  constant  session.  It  sent  telegrams  almost 
hourly  to  different  parts  of  the  country  assuring  its  correspondents 
of  Mr.  Cleveland's  election,  but  it  refrained  from  making  any  public 
expression  of  its  firm  opinion  that  Mr.  Cleveland  was  elected,  in  the 
belief  that  emergencies  might  arise  in  which  its  help  could  be  the 
more  effective  because  of  its  previous  silence.  The  Committee  de- 
precated all  violence  of  word  or  action,  and  exerted  its  influence  to 
quiet  rather  than  to  stimulate  public  apprehension. 

Immediately  after  the  result  of  the  election  became  settled  the  Ex- 
ecutive Committee  was  brought  face  to  face  with  the  question  of  the 
future  work  of  the  Independents.  In  Massachusetts,  where  the  work 
of  local  organization  had  been  carried  out  more  fully  than  in  any 
other  State,  the  pressure  from  the  many  local  associations  induced 


21 

the  Committee  of  One  Hundred  at  Boston  to  call  a  meeting,  at 
which  an  elaborate  report  was  presented,  stating  the  grounds  of 
dissatisfaction  with  both  parties  and  providing  for  a  continuance  of 
the  Independent  organization  in  much  the  same  shape  as  before, 
with  the  announced  purpose  of  calling  a  State  Convention  should 
that  course  prove  to  be  desirable.  The  action  of  the  Republican  Gen- 
eral Committees  and  of  many  of  the  ward  associations  of  New  York 
City  and  Brooklyn,  in  expelling  from  their  ranks  Republicans  who 
did  not  vote  the  Presidential  ticket,  also  precipitated  the  question,  and 
in  Brooklyn  a  plan  was  presented  by  a  sub-committee  of  the  General 
Committee  of  One  Hundred  looking  toward  the  reorganization  of 
Independent  Republicans  in  that  city.  The  sentiment  of  the  Com- 
mittee of  One  Hundred  was,  however,  adverse  to  reorganization  at  the 
present  time,  and  the  question  was  deferred.  It  was,  nevertheless, 
generally  agreed  that  the  work  before  the  reform  element  is  by  no 
means  completed  in  the  election  of  the  reform  candidate.  Such 
action  on  the  part  of  the  managers  of  the  Republican  organization 
as  the  expulsion  of  those  who  did  not  vote  the  Presidential  ticket, 
show  that  the  Republican  organization  is  still  blind  to  the  real  mean- 
ing of  the  election.  On  the  other  hand,  Independents  are  scarcely 
willing  to  ally  themselves  definitely  with  the  Democratic  party,  at  least 
until  it  is  seen  whether  the  admirable  sentiments  expressed  by  Mr. 
Cleveland  in  his  civil  service  reform  letter  can  be  practically  car- 
ried out  by  the  aid. of  that  party.  The  whole  question  before  In- 
dependents is  whether  they  can  accomplish  further  reforms  better  by 
remaining  within  the  Republican  party,  where  at  present  they  are 
not  wanted,  or  by  allying  themselves  with  the  Demociatic  party,  or 
by  taking  steps  to  repeat,  under  other  circumstances,  the  recent  use  of 
the  balance  of  power  vote.  The  decision  of  the  National  Committee, 
at  the  meeting  held  in  New  York,  January,  1885,  to  continue  the 
present  organizations  in  statu  quo>  leaves  this  question  to  be  deter- 
mined by  the  events  of  the  future. 

On  some  of  the  questions  before  the  country,  the  men  who  have  so 
far  been  working  together  in  this  movement  entirely  agree.  On 
others  it  is  possible  they  may  agree  only  to  differ.  There  are 
certain  questions,  particularly  as  to  political  methods,  on  which  there 
can  scarcely  be  more  than  one  opinion.  It  is  evident  that  there 
is  still  a  great  work  of  political  education  to  be  done  in  this  country 


22 

before  the  great  body  of  individual  voters  are  taught  to  look  rather 
to  patriotic  than  to  party  ends.  Congress  needs  to  be  taught  by  an 
alert  and  persistent  public  opinion  that  it  must  attend  to  the  busi- 
ness of  the  country  instead  of  wasting  time  in  making  party  capital 
or  in  personal  altercation,  and  must  modify  its  rules,  if  need  be,  to 
accomplish  that  end.  Democratic  Congresses  so  far  have  shown 
a  record  of  do-nothing-ism  scarcely  more  creditable  than  were  some 
of  the  performances  of  the  Republican  Congresses  under  the  leader- 
ship of  Keifer  and  his  predecessors.  The  Presidential  count  and 
the  question  of  the  electoral  college  are  problems  which  press  for 
immediate  solution.  The  civil  service  reform  agitation,  which  has 
made  such  extraordinary  progress,  needs  to  be  kept  active  until  the 
system  is  thoroughly  accepted  in  the  nation  and  in  each  of  the 
States.  Independents  have  still  much  to  do  in  promoting  adminis- 
trative progress  in  these  directions. 

There  is  one  specific  administrative  reform  to  which  the  attention 
of  Independent  citizens  may  be  especially  called.  The  election 
machinery  must  of  course  vary  according  to  the  election  laws  of  each 
State,  but  in  every  case  the  State  authorities  are  obliged  to  provide 
most  of  the  machinery  for  collecting  and  recording  the  votes.  The 
present  system  of  ballots — varying  as  they  do  from  the  large  sheet,  on 
which  the  name  of  each  candidate  to  be  voted  for  is  placed,  used  in 
Massachusetts  and  other  States,  to  the  seven  or  eight  small  bits  of  paper 
used  at  each  election  in  New  York  for  different  classes  of  officers — is 
objectionable,  as  it  opens  a  wide  door  to  corruption  and  fraud  outside 
of  the  great  money  loss  involved  in  the  waste  of  ballots.  The  cost  of 
printing  ballots  and  manning  the  polls  with  distributors  is  one  of  the 
largest  elements  of  expenditure  in  almost  every  political  campaign,  and 
one  result  is  the  great  difficulty  in  running  any  third  candidate  without 
the  machinery  and  outlay  almost  impossible  to  provide  in  a  first  cam- 
paign. The  counterfeiting  of  ballots,  so  as  to  cause  the  voter  to  cast 
his  ballot  unwittingly  for  one  or  two  names  interpolated  on  a  regular 
ticket,  is  a  very  common  fraud  which  strikes  a  vital  blow  at  the  right  of 
suffrage.  One  example  of  an  attempt  at  this  on  a  large  scale  may  show 
the  extent  of  this  particular  danger.  In  the  Independent  Repub- 
lican campaign  in  1879  in  New  York,  the  election  laws  made  it  neces- 
sary to  join  with  the  "  scratched"  State  ticket  the  names  of  certain 
local  officers  in  New  York  City,  including  coroners.  A  candidate 


23 

for  Coroner,  whose  name  was  not  on  the  ticket  printed,  endeav- 
ored to  bribe  the  keeper  of  the  building  in  which  the  ballots  were 
stored  between  the  printing  and  the  day  of  election,  to  deliver  to  him 
the  whole  quantity,  which  he  intended  to  replace  with  a  similar 
ballot,  substituting  his  own  name  for  some  other  on  the  ticket.  Had 
it  not  been  for  the  honesty  of  the  person  approached,  it  is  quite 
possible  that  the  substitution  could  have  been  effected  and  the  ballots 
used  at  the  polls  without  suspicion  of  the  change.  It  is  a  question 
worth  serious  consideration  whether  the  provision  of  ballots  by  the 
election  authorities  at  the  time  and  place  of  voting,  including  the 
names  of  all  candidates  for  each  position,  and  giving  also  the  fullest 
opportunity  for  individual  choice,  would  not  be  a  measure  of  political 
reform  which  would  produce  results  altogether  disproportionate 
to  the  simple  nature  of  the  change.  A  law  embodying  this  reform, 
on  the  plan  used  in  Australia,  has  been  introduced  into  the  Michigan 
Legislature  since  the  beginning  of  the  new  year. 

There  is  one  political  principle  on  which  Independents  fully 
agree,  that  party,  old  or  new,  should  be  the  means  of  expressing 
the  voice  of  the  people,  and  not  the  means  of  stifling  public  opinion. 
Should  a  new  party  arise,  a  fundamental  principle  of  its  organization 
would  necessarily  be  the  right  of  the  individual  to  his  vote,  to  his 
voice,  and  to  his  conscience,  within  the  party  as  well  as  at  the  polls. 
The  whole  philosophy  of  political  parties  is  well  summed  up  by  Dr. 
Draper  in  his  "  Intellectual  Development  of  Europe,"  when  he  says 
of  parties  :  "  Their  value  increases  in  proportion  as  they  permit  or 
encourage  the  natural  tendency  for  development  to  be  satisfied." 
In  other  words,  political  parties  must  face  the  future,  not  the  past  ; 
and  if  neither  of  the  existing  parties  is  able  or  willing  to  do  this,  it  is 
certain  that  from  the  power  of  self-organization,  which  is  proved  by 
the  history  of  this  campaign  to  be  a  characteristic  of  the  American 
people,  there  will  arise  a  new  party  to  answer  to  the  new  development 
of  the  nation. 

HORACE  E.  DEMING, 
GEORGE  WALTON  GREEN, 
R.  R.  BOWKER, 

for  the  Executive  Committee. 
NEW  YORK,  February,  1885. 


NATIONAL   COMMITTEE 

of  Republicans  and  Independents  Appointed  by  the  Conference  at 
New  York,  July   22d,   1884. 

GEORGE   WILLIAM   CURTIS,   Chairman. 


GEORGE  WALTON  GREEN,  Secretary. 

William  H.   Forbes Mass. 

Samuel  Hoar " 

George  V.  Leverett... " 

Phineas  Pierce " 

Joseph  H.  Walker " 

Winslow  Warren " 

*Samuel  R.  Honey R.  I. 

*Benjamin  F.  Thurston " 

C.  P.  Armstrong Conn. 

Simeon  E.  Baldwin " 

H .  W .  Farnam " 

Theodore  Bacon N.  Y. 

R.   R.  Bowker '. .     " 

John  H.  Cowing. " 

Ethan  Allen  Doty " 


GEORGE  W.  FOLSOM,  Treasurer. 

Horace  E.   Deming N.  Y. 

Charles  P.  Miller 

Carl  Schurz " 

Simeon  Huntington N.  J. 

W.  G.  Peckham 

Daniel  Drake  Smith " 

Joseph  Parrish Penn. 

Francis  B.  Reeves 

Stuart  Wood " 

*L.  Jesse  P.  Bishop   Ohio. 

*L.  B.  Swift Ind. 

James  F.  Claflin   111. 

*Edwin  B.  Smith " 

*F.  E.  Cruttenden la. 

*N.  S.  Mutphy Wis. 


*  Elected  by  Executive  Committee. 


EXECUTIVE  COMMITTEE. 


HORACE  E.  DEMING,  Chairman. 

\ 

R.  R.  Bowker N.  Y. 

Ethan  Allen  Doty 

George  W.  Folsom 

Felix  Kaufman 

Lawrence  Kneeland 

Charles  P.   Miller. . 


GEORGE  WALTON  GREEN,  Secretary'. 

Stephen  H.  Olin N.  Y. 

W.  H.  Forbes Mass. 

George  Fred.  Williams " 

Morris  F.  Tyler. ...    Conn. 

Herbert  B.  Turner N.  J. 

Stuart  Wood Penn. 


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imp.iiiyiug  the  above  report,  and  made  r.irrl 
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'  Printing  documents,  slips,  etc  
'  Rent  of  hills  for  public  meetings  
'  Postage,  stamped  envelopes,  wrappers,  et 
'  Translating  speeches  
'  Travelling  expenses  
'  N.  Y.  City  Committee  
'  New  Jersey  State  Committee  
'  Agent  of  the  Committee  in  Connecticut. 

'  Indiana  State  Committee  
Balance  . 

'  Office  expenses,  messenger  service,  telegr. 
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'  Stationery  
'  Salaries  of  clerks,  stenographers,  type- 
etc... 

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3LICANS  AND  INDEPENDEN1 

'anuary  12,  1885. 

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f  the  Treasurer,  in  Temple 
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PUBLICATIONS    ISSUED. 

No.     i.        Address  of  the  Conference,  4  pp 75,ooo  $128  50 

No.    i  G. — German  Translation,  4  pp. 50,000  92  oo 

No.    2.        Codman's  Speech,  4  pp 75,ooo  128  50 

No.    3.        Schurz's  Brooklyn  Speech,  32  pp 200,000  2,071  oo 

No.     3  G.— German  Translation,  32  pp 75,ooo  864  co 

No.    4.        Young  Rep.  Club  Report,  16  pp 75,ooo  540  oo 

No.     5.        "  The  Charges  Swept  Away,"  4  pp 40,000  78  50 

No.    6.        Schurz's  Reply  to  Hoar,  4  pp 75,ooo  108  oo 

No.    6  G. — German  Translation,  etc.,  4  pp 35>ooo  54  oo 

No.    7.        Eggleston  Letter,  4  pp 35,ooo  64  oo 

No.     8.        Extract  from  Schurz's  Cincinnati  Speech,  4  pp. . . .   60,000  74  oo 

No.    8  G. — German  Translation,  etc.,  4  pp.  .. 35.000  54  oo 

No.    9.        James  Freeman  Clarke,  8  pp 200,000  52200 

No.  10.        Address,  etc.,  16  pp 593, 130  2,378  33 

No.  ii.        Schurz  on  Pensions  and  M.  Hale,  2  pp 50,000  36  oo 

No.  12.        DeLeon's  Foreign  Policy  of  Elaine,  8  pp 25,000  80  co 

No.  13.        Beecher's  Speech,  8  pp 275,000  709  50 

No.  14.        Schurz's  Wall  Street  Speech,  4  pp 50,000  143  70 

Harper  s  Weekly  Supplement,  4  pp 223,600  917  36 

Pink  Cards— Pensions 50,000  104  oo 

Blue  Cards — Workingmen,  etc 25,000  40  oo 

Pound  Letter,  2  pp 50,000  59  oo 

Blaineism,  16  pp 15,000  155  oo 

Tariff  Pamphlet  (for  N.  J.)(  4  pp 25,000  40  oo 

Beecher  Circular 75,ooo  40  75 

Financial  Circular 100,000  150  oo 

Executive  Com.  Circular 250,000  290  50 

Clergy  Circular 10,000  15  oo 

To  the  Clergy 5,000  7  50 

Blaine  Record  (Boston  Com.),  68  pp 1,000  35  oo 

Elaine's  Foreign  Policy  (Boston  Com.),  69  pp. . . .      1,000  75  oo 

Conn.  Documents,  4  pp 6,000  12  oo 

Evening  Post  Pamphlets 2,000  20  oo 

L.  H.  Bagg's  Article,  2  pp 10,000  (giren.) 

Constitutional  Amend.  Ballots 350,000     '  i^o  oo 

Presidential  Ballots^ 750,000  300  oo 

450,000  Circular  Letters,  Slips,  etc.,  and   Miscel- 
laneous Printing 877  n 

$11,404  25 


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